Madārik al-Naḍhar Fi al-Siyāsah (1995)

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Madārik al-Naḍhar Fi al-Siyāsah (1995)

The book “Madārik al-Nadhar Fī al-Siyāsah” was another important book—alongside “al-Quṭbiyyah”—on methodology from the mid-1990s, authored by ʿAbd al-Malik al-Ramaḍānī, and it was one of a number of books he wrote regarding the Algerian civil war, the aḥzāb, political activism, rulership, rebellion, and the Khārijite ideology.

Sadly, al-Ramaḍānī departed from the sound methodology, spoke with false principles (those of al-Ḥalabī), and isolated himself from scholars such as Shaykh Rabīʿ and Shaykh ʿUbayd al-Jābirī, may Allāh guide him and rectify his affair.

This book was highly-praised and was recommended by the scholars at the time, due to the clarity it brought, and the Salafīs in the UK and elsewhere benefited from it a lot.

Note that the situation regarding al-Ramaḍanī remains one of taḥdhīr (warning), and this entry regarding this book is not a praise or endorsement of him. Rather, it is from the aspect of documenting history to facilitate study and analysis for better comprehension, especially when understanding the reality of past events is important for correctly perceiving, grasping and interpreting current events.

This book was written during the fitnah in Algeria in the 1990s when civil war broke out for a full decade (1992-2002) following cancelled elections preventing the Islamic Salvation Front from taking power. This led to horrific, sustained violence and wholesale slaughter, with Qaʿdī Khārijites like Abu Qatādah and foreign disbelieving nations complicit in the turmoil involving extreme factions of Khārijites such as the Armed Islamic Group (GIA). Within this setting of political turmoil, the author set out to explain the role of various figureheads and contributing to this turmoil through reckless speech, and to clarify the legislated politics from the blameworthy politics.

Broad Overview

The author begins by speaking about the importance of understanding the Book and the Sunnah upon the way of the Salaf and of being grounded in knowledge, and makes reference to those who think they are qualified to speak and give fatwa in major affairs (such as rulership, war, bloodshed etc.) but are not really qualified and who fall into error.

He then speaks about refuting the opposer and explains that it is from enjoining good and prohibiting evil, and this comprises defence of Islām from both internal and external dangers. Often, the danger to Islām, the Muslims and their lands from errant innovators and deviants can be greater than those of external foes.

The author speaks about the important of purification and cultivation (taṣfiyah, tarbiyah) and mentioning how Shaykh al-Albānī advised some of the leaders of Islamic Salvation Front in Algeria to focus on rectifying the society rather than entering into politics and trying to establish a state. Then the author gives a history of Algeria, mentioning various groups present after independence, the reason why the Rāfiḍah were able to make a presence, and the crime of politics and the Khārijite ideology against knowledge and daʿwah. He spoke about some figureheads that were poisoned by such ideologies, from them Safar al-Ḥawālī and ʿAlī bin Ḥājj.

He then goes on to speak about politics (siyāsah), distinguishing between the legislated politics and the blameworthy politics and in this context, speaks at length about the errors of the Ḥarakiyyīn (political agitators and activists) such as Safar al-Ḥawālī, Salmān al-ʿAwdah, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān ʿAbd al-Khāliq and ʿAlī bin Ḥājj and others. He makes mention of taḥazzub (partisanship to an individual, idea or a cause), protests and marches, and entry into parliamentary democracy as means of acquiring power and establishing Islām in a state.

He discusses those who spoke about the affair of Algeria who are not from the land—and from them is Safar al-Ḥawālī—finding fault with them for delving into the affairs of another country without knowledge or understanding of the reality, and being sentimental towards and supportive of the aḥzāb (political factions).

He also spoke about fiqh al-wāqiʿ (understanding current affairs) and explained that a person who delves into such affairs must know the ground realities and also be qualified in Sharīʿah knowledge to speak in the matters. He says that describing those political activists as “mujtahidūn” who may have erred is incorrect. He remonstrates:

How can you make the blood of Muslims and the Islāmic daʿwah an experimental ground for students of knowledge, and by (way of) which legislation has ijtihad been permitted for them? Ijtihāḍ cannot be in (a matter of) gambling with the lives of Muslims and adventures involving the Islāmic daʿwah.

This book complements the book “al-Quṭbiyyah” given that the similar aḥzāb (political factions) and the same rumūz (figureheads) were involved, hence an overlap between the two.

The broad picture we get can be summarised as follows:

Aḥzāb (factions) desiring to establish a state through politics, taking various routes such as entering democracy (parliaments, elections), or inciting rebellion against the authority, or more extreme measures such as coups and assassinations. They are supported and defended by influential figureheads (rumūz) who wear the gown of Salafiyyah but have errors connected to foundations of the Sunnah, and who oppose the advice, rulings and fatwas of the senior scholars while speaking about the political affairs of other countries which they do not fully grasp. Due to their statements as well as emotional and fiery rhetoric, they win the sentiments of large swathes of youth who affiliate with Salafiyyah but are not really grounded in knowledge, and subsequently draw them into the web of the aḥzāb, essentially wasting and ruining these youth. Then, when these figureheads are advised and criticised with knowledge and the aḥzāb that receive their support are warned against, they, the aḥzāb and the rumūz, launch a fierce war and accuse the sincere advisers as people of tribulation (fitnah) and splitting (tafarruq). To this end, they enlist the Salafī youth that they wasted as soldiers in their cause.

We mentioned previously in the series on the Ḥaddādis, ʿAbd al-Laṭīf Bāshmīl and Fāliḥ al-Ḥarbī that from past events and tribulations, we must try to identify the underlying mechanics and processes and ignoring the names and personalities involved, so that we have a good conceptual understanding. Once we have grasped that, it allows us to recognise the pattern more easily and have a proper, accurate conception of reality, on the basis which we are able to recognise the truth and where and with whom it lies.

Notes

01 Shaykh al-Albānī (رحمه الله) commended the book and explained how he patiently read the entire book and benefited greatly from it, especially regarding the realities in Algeria and the true nature of some of the callers ascribing to Salafiyyah, and those involved in the Algerian revolution that led to the turmoil. This demonstrates the humility of the Shaykh (رحمه الله).

02 Shaykh ʿAbd al-Muḥsin (حفظه الله) also praised the book and said that it contains a defence of the truth and its carriers and provides clarification of certain realities about the situation in Algeria. The Shaykh supports the author’s speech against various callers from Saudi Arabia who fell into errors in the field of rulership, obedience and rebellion with inciting words that create division in the jamāʿah (united body) of the Muslims behind the ruler. The Shaykh advised that the book be read and benefited from, advising the youth of Saudi to beware of such ideas.

03 Both of these scholars recognised the importance of this book in firstly clarifying the reality in Algeria at the time, and secondly, exposing the reality of the aḥzāb and rumūz and their opposition to various foundations of the Sunnah, and hence, deviation, and more broadly speaking, the distinction between blameworthy politics and the legislated politics. They did not consider this “delving into politics” or “entering into fitnah”, rather, they saw it praiseworthy and beneficial that a person of knowledge from the land expended efforts in clarifying the reality so that senior scholars can speak about it or give advice and rulings upon clarity.

04 Alḥamdulillāḥ, there are trustworthy upright scholars and shaykhs in various Muslim lands, and when it is known that they warn against the aḥzāb, refute the ḥarakī, ḥizbī ideologies related to rulership and rebellion, refute the misguided callers, and call to obedience to the ruler and preserving the unity of the Muslims and refute what opposes it, then their views, explanations and clarifications are taken with acceptance, because of the soundness of their foundations. From such shaykhs are Shaykh Nizār bin Hāshim in the matter of the Khārijites and rebels in Sudan and Shaykh ʿAlī al-Ḥudhayfī in the matter of the Khārijites and rebels in South Yemen. May Allāḥ reward them for their steadfastness and for playing a similar role today as others played in past tribulations.

05 It would be a gross error to take the words of liars and agitators, those who align with the aḥzāb, those who lie to senior scholars, deny legitimate authority, are complicit in activities of sedition and rebellion, and praise innovators, over and above the truthful who venerate and defend the Sunnah and call for the implementation of its foundations—and this practice is not known from the deeply-rooted senior scholars, as is evident.

In closing, we must emphasise once again, that the condition of ʿAbd al-Malik al-Ramaḍānī changed, and this entry is not a defence or endorsement of him but purely for the historical record, and for the purpose of investigation, study and comprehension.